Passage 1 is adapted from Abraham Lincoln, “Address to the Young Men’s Lyceum of Springfield, Illinois.” Originally delivered in 1838. Passage 2 is from Henry David Thoreau, “Resistance to Civil Government.” Originally published in 1849.
Passage 1
Let every American, every lover of liberty, every
well wisher to his posterity, swear by the blood of the
Revolution, never to violate in the least particular,
the laws of the country; and never to tolerate their
5 violation by others. As the patriots of seventy-six did
to the support of the Declaration of Independence, so
to the support of the Constitution and Laws, let every
American pledge his life, his property, and his sacred
honor;—let every man remember that to violate the
10 law, is to trample on the blood of his father, and to
tear the character of his own, and his children’s
liberty. Let reverence for the laws, be breathed by
every American mother, to the lisping babe, that
prattles on her lap—let it be taught in schools, in
15 seminaries, and in colleges;—let it be written in
Primers, spelling books, and in Almanacs;—let it be
preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative
halls, and enforced in courts of justice. And, in short,
let it become the political religion of the nation;
20 and let the old and the young, the rich and the poor,
the grave and the gay, of all sexes and tongues, and
colors and conditions, sacrifice unceasingly upon its
altars....
When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of
25 all the laws, let me not be understood as saying there
are no bad laws, nor that grievances may not arise,
for the redress of which, no legal provisions have
been made. I mean to say no such thing. But I do
mean to say, that, although bad laws, if they exist,
30 should be repealed as soon as possible, still while they
continue in force, for the sake of example, they
should be religiously observed. So also in unprovided
cases. If such arise, let proper legal provisions be
made for them with the least possible delay; but, till
35 then, let them if not too intolerable, be borne with.
There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress
by mob law. In any case that arises, as for instance,
the promulgation of abolitionism, one of two
positions is necessarily true; that is, the thing is right
40 within itself, and therefore deserves the protection of
all law and all good citizens; or, it is wrong, and
therefore proper to be prohibited by legal
enactments; and in neither case, is the interposition
of mob law, either necessary, justifiable, or excusable.
Passage 2
45 Unjust laws exist; shall we be content to obey
them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey
them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress
them at once? Men generally, under such a
government as this, think that they ought to wait
50 until they have persuaded the majority to alter them.
They think that, if they should resist, the remedy
would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the
government itself that the remedy is worse than the
evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to
55 anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not
cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist
before it is hurt?...
If the injustice is part of the necessary friction of
the machine of government, let it go, let it go;
60 perchance it will wear smooth—certainly the
machine will wear out. If the injustice has a spring, or
a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself,
then perhaps you may consider whether the remedy
will not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a
65 nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice
to another, then, I say, break the law. Let your life be
a counter friction to stop the machine. What I have
to do is to see, at any rate, that I do not lend myself to
the wrong which I condemn.
70 As for adopting the ways which the State has
provided for remedying the evil, I know not of such
ways. They take too much time, and a man’s life will
be gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into
this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to
75 live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has
not everything to do, but something; and because he
cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he
should do something wrong....
I do not hesitate to say, that those who call
80 themselves Abolitionists should at once effectually
withdraw their support, both in person and property,
from the government . . . and not wait till they
constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the
right to prevail through them. I think that it is
85 enough if they have God on their side, without
waiting for that other one. Moreover, any man more
right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one
already.